The five principles, as set out in the 1954 Chinese and Indian Agreements, are presented as: Khrushchev already explained in 1957, in a speech to the Albanian embassy, the doctrine of peaceful coexistence. In 1960, in a speech to the United Nations General Assembly, Khrushchev stressed the policy: “The peoples of the Soviet Union and the Soviet government work tirelessly to establish firmly the principles of peaceful coexistence in relations between states…. The policy of peaceful coexistence requires the will to resolve all outstanding issues without the use of force, through negotiation and through reasonable compromises. The reason for this policy was Khrushchev`s goal of “catching up and overcoming” the West in economic development, thus proving the superiority of the Soviet system. In a speech to the Supreme Soviet on 31 October 1959, Khrushchev declared that the conflict between the two systems, the communist and the capitalist, had to be resolved and that peaceful coexistence was a true method for this purpose, based on human society. In the 1960s and 1970s, China applied the concept of peaceful coexistence to its relations with non-socialist developing countries and argued that a belligerent attitude towards “imperialist” capitalist countries should be maintained. In the early 1980s, China extended its interpretation of the concept of peaceful coexistence to include relations with all countries, including capitalist countries. The Chinese concept of peaceful cohabitation has three remarkable consequences. Contrary to Soviet concepts of the mid-1970s, Chinese concepts first included the promotion of global free trade. Second, China`s concept of peaceful coexistence places great importance on national sovereignty and territorial integrity, and that is why the United States views as hostile the measures taken to advance its interests in this context.
Since the PRC does not consider Taiwan sovereign, the concept of peaceful coexistence does not extend to Taiwan, and efforts by other nations, including the United States, to interfere in relations between the PRC and Taiwan, are seen in this context as hostile actions. But when it comes to the governments of the communist bloc in Central and Eastern Europe, the problem is inevitably more complex. For the most part, these governments are not really indigenous. All of this is, of course, relative; Because rarely, if ever there is no area of identity between the interests and feelings of a people and the regime, however despotic it may be. But these regimes represent, in the eyes of the West, the fruits of a kind of conquest and submission that was no less real, because it generally did not involve a hostile military invasion in the usual sense of the word. And the idea inevitably arises: if such a thing could be done to these peoples by means without exclusive military aggression, and if we are now invited to accept it as something that should not be discussed in the context of peaceful coexistence, how many other peoples could do so in the context of the coexistence that we are supposed to accept? Their first formal treaty codification took place in 1954 in an agreement between China and India – the trade and transport agreement (exchange of notes) between the Tibet region, China and India, signed in Beijing on April 29, 1954.   Panchsheel was subsequently adopted in a series of resolutions and declarations around the world.